FRANCE--ANTISEMITISM

French Anti-Semitism: A Barometer for Gauging Society's Perverseness
An Interview with Shmuel Trigano by Manfred Gerstenfeld

  Anti-Semitism: The French Crisis
Michel Gurfinkiel


FRENCH ANTI-SEMITISM: A BAROMETER FOR GAUGING SOCIETY’S PERVERSENESS
An Interview with Shmuel Trigano by Manfred Gerstenfeld
Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, November 1, 2004 

-The Jews' situation in France is indicative of the condition of French society. Substantial anti-Semitic violence in recent years underscores several of the country's major problems. 

-Under the Jospin socialist-led government (in power until 2002), the Jews became the country's scapegoat and safety barrier, being on the receiving end of the main attacks - which targeted French society at large 

-The French government affirms its determination to combat anti-Semitism while at the same time continuing to feed the anti-Semitic discourse at its origins. 

-The ongoing anti-Jewish aggression has created a trend toward mental and behavioral ghettoization of the French Jewish community. Many Jews now feel secure only in a Jewish environment. One result of this is an increased enrollment in Jewish day schools. 

-In a 2003 poll, almost 20% of French Jews said that they intend to leave France. 

The Jews as a Tool

   "Changes in the Jews' situation in France in recent years underscore many problems in society. The Jews play an indicator role for various reasons. In addition to the long-standing symbolic relevance of Jews in the Christian tradition, Muslims now utilize the symbolic position of the Jews in French society in order to advance their own interests. Furthermore, several political parties also use the Jews as a tool in their battles." 

   Professor Shmuel Trigano teaches sociology at Paris Nanterre University. In 2002 he founded L'Observatoire du Monde Juif, a research center on Jewish political life. It has rapidly become a prime source for understanding the position of the Jews in French society. 

   Trigano remarks: "In the new century two phenomena have come together. The first was a major anti-Semitic wave in French public opinion when the second Palestinian uprising broke out. Israel was painted as a monstrosity, a Nazi state intent on killing children. This anti-Israeli discourse has much deeper roots. The anti-Semitic stereotypes were already present, albeit in the background, during the Oslo process. The Jews were then often accused of having 'too much memory of the Shoah.' 

   "Around the same time, a new outburst of violent anti-Semitism took place. Its perpetrators were not ethnic French, but French citizens who had come from an Arab immigrant background. There had been similar incidents - although not as many - during the first Gulf War at the beginning of the 1990s." 

The Suppression of Information

   Trigano relates that the anti-Semitic violence went largely unreported by both the press and the public authorities for several months. "Even the Jewish organizations remained silent, probably at the request of the socialist-led left-wing government of Prime Minister Lionel Jospin. This silence was another factor in why the Jewish community felt abandoned by both the French authorities and the complacent society.

   "The situation of the Jews in France was aggravated as various media expressed opinions claiming that the violence and hate was quite understandable in view of events in the Middle East and Israel's policies. This implied that the destiny of French Jews was determined by Israeli policies and French criticism toward it."

   Trigano adds: "During the first months of attacks, French Jewry called for help, but nobody listened. This led many French Jews to realize that their place and citizenship in the country was being questioned. They understood that the authorities were willing to sacrifice the Jewish community to maintain social peace. This attitude was reinforced by the pro-Arab policy in the Iraq War. 

   "Jewish citizens could not understand that violent acts were being committed against them in the name of developments 3,000 kilometers away. Yet they were not entirely surprised by the violence of some Arabs. They considered it, however, outrageous that the French government and society did not condemn it immediately. 

   "They still remember the words of Hubert Védrine, the former socialist minister of foreign affairs, which have in a number of variants been repeated since by a number of politicians: 'one does not necessarily have to be shocked that young Frenchmen of immigrant origin have compassion for the Palestinians and are very excited because of what is happening.'" 

Remembering the Thirties and Algeria

   Trigano remarks: "Individual Jews reacted according to experiences from the past. A well-known French Jewish psychoanalyst, Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, told me that for her it recalled the 1930s. I was not born then and it seemed to me, at first, an excessive reaction, because the French regime is a democratic one. 

   "My own associations were with our family's flight from Algeria in June 1962 when we waited for two days in a military airport with only two suitcases. We had closed the door of our home and left, as the public authorities had abandoned us. We had to save ourselves in order not to be killed in the chaos. 

   "The traumatic feelings have not left French Jews, though the public authorities now try to combat anti-Semitism. Perhaps public awareness of the problem has come too late. In France, self-censorship concerning anti-Semitic discourse has been broken. Once one finds frequent anti-Semitic expressions in public, a democratic government cannot change this in an authoritarian way." 

Hate Promotion Continues

   "The ideological process of promoting the anti-Jewish hatred, however, continues both among Arab Muslim currents and in extreme left- and right-wing circles. Generally speaking, there is little sympathy in French public opinion for the Jews and Israel. 

   "By now the authorities have realized what is happening. Yet one can only be surprised by the artificial crisis provoked when Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon called for the emigration of French Jews to Israel. The French government and media reaction were violent and disproportionate. It came after Chirac's speech in Chambon sur Lignon, when he condemned both anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, as well as after a major condemnation of an imaginary anti-Semitic attack in the Paris suburban railway invented by a mythomaniac non-Jewish woman. 

   "It showed once again that the condemnation of anti-Semitism can work in tandem with France's anti-Israeli policy. This was demonstrated also when France pushed the European Union to vote against Israel in the General Assembly of the United Nations, on the issue of the security barrier. This can only further encourage fundamentalist Muslim aggression against the Jews. It also can only exacerbate the public's anti-Israel animosity, and give them some kind of indirect political justification for what is happening." 

Moving toward State Anti-Zionism?

   When asked whether France is an anti-Semitic society, Trigano answers: "Until July 2004, when the French government created the scandal about Sharon's speech, I would have answered this question in the negative. I would have added that the answer should rather be that there is anti-Semitism in France. Nowadays I am more perplexed and worried. We risk moving toward state anti-Zionism. 

   "The great majority of the French media present the same biased information about Israel and anti-Semitism to such an extent that the public opinion considers this the reality. Our efforts to correct this have had little success. This information has directly influenced incitement against the Jews and the resulting aggression among immigrant youth and others. This is still going on. 

   "It in turn inspires negative attitudes toward the Jews unless they distance themselves from Israel. In the last few months the leading Jewish community organizations, including the CRIF and the Consistoire, have started doing this. This is a bad sign and a symptom of a very negative reality. 

   "The state-owned media also communicate biased information. There are several far going examples of this. The news director of Radio France Internationale (RFI) has declared that Israel is "a racist state." This explains why this government-owned station, which continuously broadcasts worldwide news, has such a heavy ideological anti-Israeli bias. France Culture, another government media, has subsidized a movie of a Jewish anti-Zionist about the separation 'wall.' 

   "The Ministry of Culture, the Foreign Ministry and the National Cinema Center, a Francophone fund for audiovisual production and the television stations France 2 and TV5, have financed a movie by the Egyptian director Yousry Nasrallah. "The Ports of the Sun" was shown on the Arte Television channel and in cinemas. It was widely acclaimed and portrays the Israelis in 1948 as Nazis.

   "Arte has specialized in the production of disparaging movies about the Jews and Israel. Most Jewish opinion leaders are not invited to media discussions. The media discourse is hateful to the Jews. What is shown and said hurts their most precious values. Their protests are not listened to but rather lead to accusations that they are pro-Sharon, which means in the prevailing atmosphere, pro-apartheid. 

   "The crisis of July 2004 has shown that there is a perfect harmony between the position of the French Foreign Ministry, the discourse of the French Press Agency (AFP) and the attitude of the major newspapers. This uniform thought is extremely worrying. It is difficult to understand how the government can affirm its determination to combat anti-Semitism while at the same time feeding the anti-Semitic discourse at its origins." 

The Socialist Party's Attitude

   Trigano mentions that he is often asked to what extent it was relevant that there was a socialist coalition government at the time the anti-Jewish aggression rapidly increased: "It is my impression that a large part of the French socialist party does not support Israel. Jewish socialists have felt the need to create the Leon Blum circle - named after France's first Jewish prime minister - which is an indicator of what is happening in their party. 

   "This group, which also has non-Jewish members, tries to explain the history of Judaism and Zionism to their party colleagues, and draws their attention to the dangers of anti-Semitism. Its members include Dominique Strauss-Kahn, a potential candidate - with hardly any chance - in the next presidential elections. Another is François Zimeray who was very active in the European parliament to promote the investigation of the European Union's support for Palestinian terrorism. 

   "The socialist party decided not to include Zimeray in its list of candidates for the June 2004 European elections. There has been much discussion as to whether this was a punishment for his pro-Israeli position. Some say that it was in order to make room for another Jewish candidate, Henri Weber - who is close to the party's number two, Laurent Fabius. The truth is not known, yet there is enough additional proof indicating the socialist party's lack of sensitivity toward Israel." 

Vaillant's Role

Trigano says that there are convincing indications that the Jewish community was asked by the Jospin Government not to give much publicity to the increased anti-Jewish aggression in order not to 'put oil on the flames.' The then socialist minister of the interior, Daniel Vaillant, reacted similarly on other occasions not related to Jews. 

"In 2002, the deputy mayor of the southern French town Beziers was murdered by a Muslim. The official story was that the killer was a madman. Recently, the city's mayor accused Vaillant of having forced his version upon the municipality. He said that after the murder, Vaillant came to Beziers and presented the madman story as 'an official truth.' Later, it became known that the French intelligence services had discovered that the murderer was linked to Al-Qaeda. 

   "Nicholas Sarkozy, who succeeded Vaillant as minister, belongs to the UMP right-wing party. Addressing criticism concerning his visit to the USA, he said in parliament earlier this year that he was well received by the American Jews. He added that his socialist predecessor could never have achieved this in view of his policies toward the anti-Semites. Sarkozy told the truth. At the same time, this was another example of the use of the Jews' situation in political life. Also many other politicians instrumentalize the Jews in their ideological and political communications." 

France's Scapegoat and Safety Barrier

   "The official version propagated by the Jospin Government can be summarized as saying that if Jews were attacked, this was not anti-Semitism, but a reflection of a social problem. The socialist policy aimed to obscure, with this mechanism, the terrorist menace against France. It resulted in the Jews seeing themselves as the country's scapegoat and safety barrier - as they had received the main blows, which targeted French society at large. 

   "The Socialist Party wanted to minimize the importance of the anti-Semitic acts because they believed that in this way they could maintain social peace. They did not care about aggression against the Jews and the burning of synagogues. 

   "The socialists were preparing for the 2002 elections and had to show their achievements. Giving publicity to the anti-Semitic violence was inconvenient. It has become known that the police reports on these incidents for the Ministry of the Interior were often incomplete. 

   "The mechanism to suppress police information about anti-Semitic acts is simple. In France, a complaint to a police office may be written only by hand by the policeman on duty in a register called 'main courante.' This inscription is not an official act and does not lead to prosecution. The police commissary decides what is considered an incident and its nature. Facts from the register are often not reported to the Interior Ministry, as the commissary does not want to inform that there is increasing insecurity in his area of responsibility. Thus, there are administrative problems both in the ministry and the police stations. 

   "In addition, there was an official policy to minimize the problems. This means that there is major government responsibility for obscuring the true nature of the anti-Semitic attacks. One policy approach is to relate the incidents as a conflict between communities, due to 'the aggressive and inhuman policies of Israel.' This supposes that the Jews are co-responsible for aggressions of which they are victims. If one speaks about anti-Semitic aggression, someone must be guilty, as he has made a victim. If one speaks of an inter-communal conflict, this means there is tension between two groups, leading to aggression from both sides. Jews, however, have never burned mosques or attacked Muslims." 

A Perverted Discourse

   "This discourse is part of a larger perverted one concerning the Jews, which has become standard in France. The public attacks against Israel during 2001-2003 came from all layers of society, as if it were an official truth. One can only wonder how it was possible in French democracy that all major currents in society propagated similar ideas. It was frightening to turn on a television or to read a newspaper and see the same ideological discourse of disinformation about Israel. 

   "The majority of viewers have no other sources of information and cannot discern between truth, manipulation and lies. They see selective images and hear handpicked Israelis, usually very critical of their own government, express their opinions. Those with different views on Israel are considered outsiders and troublemakers. For a long time, people like myself who affirmed that there was anti-Semitism in France were considered a problem because we deviated from public opinion. It was psychologically difficult to live with that. 

   "What does such a reality tell about French society? I do not believe in a conspiracy. There is no commander or organization behind the multiple attacks on Israel. Yet the assaults create the feeling of a near totalitarian society regarding Israel and the Jews. There were no public protestations when the French peasant leader José Bové claimed that the Mossad had initiated the anti-Semitic aggressions to hide what was going on in Palestine. One can only explain this as an ideological mass phenomenon." 

   Trigano says that he slowly started to realize that the extreme power of the media represents a major danger for Western democracy. "Their attitude toward Israel and the Jews over the last few years has shown that they can pervert analysis, debate and criticism. We are dependent on a class of journalists with consensus political views. They read and co-opt each other's opinions, without accountability to anybody. Freedom and democracy, however, can not coexist if truth and facts are obscured." 

Acting against the Defamation

   When the attacks continued, Jews created several associations to break the Jewish isolation. They started to fight the delegitimation of the Jews and Israel's existence. Trigano's Observatoire published two analyses of how the official French Press Agency (AFP) functions. 

   "We showed that French correspondents in Israel rewrote Arafat's speeches to avoid what seemed politically incorrect. When he attacked the Jews, they wrote Israelis. When Arafat said horrible things they put dots instead of quoting him. They did this to present him as a liberator and almost a secular saint. 

   "Catherine Leuchter has demonstrated that one often can read only that Israelis have been aggressed after a media report about reprisals against the Palestinians.1 The authors leave it to the end of their article to explain that the Israeli operations are a reaction to a terrorist act. By that time, the reader has already been imbued with the image of Israeli violence and the Palestinian dead. He is misled as to where it all started." 

   Trigano thinks that French democracy is in danger. "The phenomenon of the anti-Jewish attacks must affect the destiny of the society where these Jews live. I wrote a book on this entitled The Resignation of the Republic - Jews and Muslims in France.2 I believe that the anti-Semitic crisis has been a laboratory for French society. It demonstrates the major problems of trying to integrate a large immigrant population at a time when French society is in an identity crisis, partly due to European unification. 

   "France has two choices. One is to understand much better the profound message that what is happening to its Jews is a warning sign for itself. The other is to let the Jews sort out their problems themselves. However, this choice would be a fundamental mistake because the Jews have been attacked as a substitute for French society at large. The Muslim militants comprehended that the Jews were the weak link of France, and thus the preferred target. Moreover they are the most powerful symbol in French society. 

   "This was also understood by other internal enemies of France, including those on the extreme left who want to eliminate the French nation-state - as well as by the extreme right-wing movements. The atmosphere of condemnation of Israel morally authorizes the anti-Semitism. 

   "Few people understand that these problems are covered up by additional fallacies. One such fallacy says that if Sharon only made peace, the West would not be threatened anymore. France's profound problems, however, are not the result of Middle East turmoil. This crisis has given French extremists the opportunity they were looking for. When Israel was denounced by public opinion, they used this as an opening trying to become a political force." 

Collaboration among Israel's Enemies

   Trigano says that there are many indications of collaboration between the extreme left, the extreme right and the Muslim fundamentalists in France. "As far as the latter are concerned, there is no clear separation between official representatives and extremists. The representative organization of the Muslim community in France, the Union des Organizations Islamiques de France (UOIF), is de facto the official counterpart of the government, as it has received a majority in the French Council of Muslim religion. (CFCM) 

   "The UOIF is close to the Muslim Brothers, an extremist group which originated in the 1920s in Egypt. The prominent Muslim intellectual, Tarik Ramadan, is a grandson of Hassan El Banna, their founder. He lives in Switzerland and has become the charismatic leader of French Muslim youth. Earlier in 2004 he launched a major anti-Semitic attack against several French Jewish intellectuals, whom he accused of being tribalist. 

   "Radical Muslim fundamentalists collaborate with the extreme left. The Trotskyites and the Greens made many demonstrations against Israel possible. There, shouts of 'death to the Jews' were heard while Hamas-adherents marched through Paris dressed as martyrs. 

   "The MRAP, which is in the orbit of the Communist Party and strongly pro-Muslim, claims to be a movement against racism and anti-Semitism for peace. One of its key figures, Mouloud Aounit, is close to Tarik Ramadan and very hostile to Israel. In July 2003 the MRAP invented a non-existing conspiracy of the Zionist extreme right, the Christian extreme right and the Nazis, against the Muslims, with the aim of accusing the Jewish community of racism. 

   "Behind the scenes, the extreme right contributes to the disinformation campaign of the extreme left. This right favors the Islamists for both Machiavellian and spiritual reasons. They have been historically close to Arab nationalist movements and the PLO." 

The Jews' Reactions

   One consequence of the multiple aggressions against the Jews is the increasing creation of a Jewish mental and behavioral ghetto. They feel marginalized and withdraw from the broader society to be among Jewish friends. Trigano says that he frequently hears Jews say things like: "We don't go to dinner with our non-Jewish friends anymore, nor do we see them." He explains that at many dinners in town, people talk aggressively about Israel and, thus, about Jews - who then feel the need to defend Israel's position in view of the excessive criticism. They are then accused of being supporters of Sharon and violence. In light of this, Jews decide to avoid such discussions and meetings. 

   "Another phenomenon in recent years is the increasing number of pupils and teachers in Jewish schools, as they feel insecure in public schools. The Jewish school is for many no longer a free choice. Attending it for security reasons is another indicator of ghettoization. Joining a Jewish body has always been a voluntary decision. However, if one has to belong out of insecurity, this means that the French public square is no longer safe for Jews. 

   "Once again, the situation of the Jews is indicative of the mood of general French society. There is a more moderate trend toward joining private schools in French society at large. This development is also linked to problems with youth from the immigrant communities, including attacks on professors and other violence in public schools. Many private schools are officially Christian, but religious classes are optional. This makes them attractive also to more assimilated Jews. 

   "Youth from the immigrant community also have prevented, in many schools, the teaching of the Shoah. The multiple problems Jews encounter in French schools have been described in a book called, The Lost Territories of the Republic.3 It was written by a number of authors under the pen name of Emmanuel Brenner. Several anti-Zionist Jews - among them, Dominique Vidal, editor of the Monde Diplomatique - have disclosed the name of the main author, George Bensoussan. Brenner is a rare name in France and I am convinced that the book would not have had the same impact had it been written under the main author's very Jewish-sounding name." 

Jews Delegitimized in Advance

   Trigano explains: "In contemporary French society, the views of the Jews are delegitimized in advance. The opinions of pro-Jewish, pro-Israeli intellectuals are shunted aside by intellectual opponents as resulting from their ethnic origins. They feel they do not have to argue with such debaters about the validity of their arguments. The best you can often expect is, 'Yes, we understand that as a Jew, you defend Israel.' The Jews now exclude themselves from the intellectual discourse by seeking out non-Jews to express their positions in public so that these are not automatically rejected. 

   "The French intelligentsia which is largely critical of Israel has done nothing to prevent or protest the genocide in Rwanda. One can count on the fingers of one hand non-Jewish intellectuals who publicly support the Jewish cause. Among the best known is Eric Marty of Paris 7 University, who has published one of the first courageous articles denouncing anti-Semitism. The fact that he was not Jewish made his testimony authentic." 

   When asked, Trigano says that he has no personal problems at the university or with his students. "But I have heard absurd rumors that some of my students believe that I am the head of the Zionist lobby, very rich and powerful, while some of my colleagues think that I am a 'case for study.' This, of course, I am never told in person, nor am I treated disrespectfully. These people aren't even aware that they have an anti-Semitic attitude. 

   "At the university I remain silent about Israel and Jews, as the overall atmosphere has been almost intolerable. Anti-Semitic slogans have been on the walls for a long time. One hears the Islamo-leftist student unions aggressive propaganda against Israel and the Jewish community everywhere. 

   "Some French Jews show a different reaction. In a study by the sociologist Eric Cohen, in 2003, among 550,000 Jews in France, 100,000 indicated that they intended to leave the country. Whether they will do so is another matter. Whenever I lecture for a Jewish organization, people always ask me afterwards: 'Should we depart?' Their wanting to leave France indicates a perturbed identity there." 

   People discuss potential destinations such as Israel, Canada or the United States. Trigano relates the story of a family member: "I have a cousin who has never been to Israel. Recently, he asked me: 'How do I go about buying an apartment in Israel?' I asked him where. He had no idea, as he does not know the country. His attitude is an interesting indicator of French Jewish reality as he has no concrete relation with Israel, doesn't speak a word of Hebrew and is only vaguely traditional." 

What is Wrong with Europe

   Trigano concludes by quoting what he said two years ago: "Everyone understands that the present situation is, above all, very French in its meaning and reality, even if it results from outside events. It reflects the difficulties encountered by French society and politics confronted with the sociological impact of mass immigration on their structures and routine as well as the dismantling of the nation state due to the process of European unification."

   Now he adds: "The attitude toward the Jews and Israel has increasingly become an indicator for what is wrong with Europe. The process of European unification questions the validity of the nation state in a period where the collective identity is already in crisis. The integration problems of the mass immigration aggravate this further. It is too early to understand what the combined consequences of these factors may be.

   "The concept of the European Union might have been valid for the elimination of customs barriers. Europe, however, has no common cultural or political identity. Nor does it have common values. Its capital in Brussels is only an administrative and bureaucratic center. The crisis in European identity is likely to have further unforeseen and profound consequences for both the Jews and Israel. It is clear however, that anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism have been for the last three years powerful factors of collective identification for Europe. The Jews are at the heart of the European syndrome. These problematic developments have to be followed closely in order to rapidly analyze and expose them."

Notes

1. Le conflit israélo-palestinien. Les média français sont-ils objectifs? L'Observatoire du monde juif. [French]
2. Shmuel Trigano, La démission de la République, Juifs et Musulmans en France (Paris, PUF, 2003). [French]
3. Emmanuel Brenner, Les Territoires perdus de la République (Paris: Mille et Une Nuits, 2002). [French]

*     *     *

Shmuel Trigano is a Fellow of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and Professor of Sociology at the University of Paris-Nanterre. He is Director of the College of Jewish Studies at the Alliance Israélite Universelle, editor of Pardes, a journal of Jewish studies, and author of numerous books, especially on Jewish philosophy and Jewish political thought. Several of these deal with the topics mentioned in this interview. Trigano is the founder of L'Observatoire du Monde Juif, a research center on Jewish political life. (http://obs.monde.juif.free.fr; obs.monde.juif@free.fr.)
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ANTI-SEMITISM: THE FRENCH CRISIS
Michel Gurfinkiel

New York Sun,  January 26, 2004

There is currently an upsurge of anti-Semitism all over Europe. In France, the European country with the largest Jewish community (600,000 to 1 million, or 1% to 1.5 % of a global population of 62 million), it is reaching alarming proportions. According to recent polls, anywhere from one-third to one-half of French Jews either feels threatened enough or unsure enough about the future to
consider leaving the country or to advise his children to leave the country.

This is not petty anti-Semitism, as we may have known it for about 50 years in North America and in most of Western Europe - a tale of marginal incidents being carried on by fringe extremists - but rather a development that affects the entire nation. This is not a case of mere anti-Zionism either. The contemporary French anti-Semites are explicitly targeting Jews and Judaism, not Zionists. And they make no distinctions between the Jewish people at large, whether the Jewish community in France, in Europe, or in Israel.

And finally, this is not a case of bigotry, where anti-Jewish prejudice is derived from a lack of information about Judaism and the Holocaust. On the contrary, Judaism has been playing an important and visible national role in France throughout the last decades of the 20th century, and Holocaust awareness or pieties about the Holocaust are deemed to be part and parcel of the
contemporary national culture of France. The 16th of July, the anniversary of the infamous roundup of Parisian Jews in 1942, is now a national day. Every school where Jewish pupils were arrested either by the German Gestapo or the Vichy France police has been turned into a national landmark. For all that, the new anti-Semitism has been gaining ground day by day.

President Chirac, who first flatly denied anything like that was taking place, now acknowledges it as a major political concern. On November 17, 2003, he solemnly warned that "attacks against French Jews are attacks against France" and issued orders for a monthly review, at the highest government level, of anti-Semitic incidents.

What Are the Facts?

Since 2000, anti-Semitic violence has been rampant in France. According to the Interior Ministry, anti-Jewish violence has dramatically increased, to a yearly average of about 120 incidents in the 2000-02 period from a yearly average of about 10 incidents throughout the 1990s. Some 80% of all racist incidents in mainland France (except for the island of Corsica), are anti-Semitic. Some
20 synagogues, schools, and other communal facilities were destroyed either by arson or vandalization in the 2000-02 period. Two further cases of complete vandalization (one synagogue, one high school) occurred in 2003.

Several Jewish shops have been attacked. Jewish people are routinely being molested or harassed in some areas, especially on their way to synagogue or school or at school. Several rabbis have been attacked and beaten in the street. Jewish youths have been attacked while exercising at public sports facilities. Jewish school buses have been stoned or even shot at. One case of abduction
and one of near lynching in the street have been reported. And there is some reason to believe that two murder cases in 2003 were motivated by anti-Jewish hatred.

Even if and when actual violence is subsiding, the climate of the country is deteriorating. Murderous anti-Jewish slogans such as "Death to Jews!" are routinely being shouted at large-scale street demonstrations. Various groups and even elected officials are campaigning for a global boycott of Israeli and "Israeli-related" (i.e., Jewish) goods, or for the suspension or the termination of academic cooperation with Israel or even with individual Israeli scientists, a move prohibited under French law.

Explicitly anti-Jewish books have been published by major publishing houses, including books intended for children and teenagers, a market that, in theory, is strictly regulated by law in France.

A radical Islamist preacher who publicly singled out some French intellectuals for being Jewish and therefore foes of Islam, Tariq Ramadan, was turned into a television superstar of sorts. So has an Afro-French humorist who indulges in provocative anti-Jewish jokes and statements, Dieudonne Mbala.

Moreover, according to various reports and at least two recently published books ("Les Territoires Perdus de la Republique," edited by Emmanuel Brenner, and "La Republique et L'Islam," by Michele Tribalat and Jeanne-Helene Kaltenbach), schools and universities are becoming major hotbeds of anti-Semitism.

In some cases, both parents and pupils insist on rewriting the textbooks in a more anti-Jewish or anti-Israel way, and dropping programs and debates about Judaism and the Holocaust, which are part of the government-mandated curriculum. In many places, Jewish students, teachers, and academics feel physically or verbally threatened or abused but get precious little support from principals or teachers and colleagues.

The Response

The response from the government and the other powers that be has been limited or ineffective for too long. It took more than a year, from October 2000 to November 2001, for the French press (some exceptions notwithstanding) to report extensively about the anti-Semitic crisis. Even now, some press and broadcast groups keep referring to "intergroup friction," as if Jews were engaging in racist violence as well or retaliating, which is not the case. The French political class has reacted in an even more awkward manner.

Political parties and nongovernmental organizations didn't call for demonstrations against anti-Semitic violence, as might have been expected, or as it has occurred in the past (in 1980, 1982, and 1988), nor associated, on April 7, 2002, with a mass rally against anti-Semitism and terrorism sponsored by the Conseil Representatif des Institutions Juives de France (the Representative
Council of Jewish Organizations in France).

Under the socialist government of Lionel Jospin, until April 22, 2002, officials - especially at the Interior Ministry - were busy denying or downplaying the crisis. Things have improved since the 2002 elections, with the conservative government led by Jean-Pierre Raffarin. Still, the Interior Ministry remains very cautious in its estimates of anti-Semitic incidents and seems at times
reluctant to enforce the existing antiracist laws, including a new law passed by the conservative-dominated National Assembly at the request of the conservative Jewish representative for the 9th District of Paris, Pierre Lellouche.

An extremely small number of people have been prosecuted or indicted for anti-Semitic offenses. Those who have, unfortunately, have not been sentenced as heavily as the law permits. More often than not, French courts have turned down complaints of anti-Semitism. There is even a case of a Jewish family that was sentenced to a 3,000-euro fine for simply having lodged such a complaint.

The Muslim Factor

The new anti-Semitism in France has much to do with the unprecedented immigration from the Islamic world, both legal and illegal, that is currently reshaping the country. Conservative estimates - in the absence of reliable race or religion-related statistics, which are not allowed under French law - put the current Muslim population of France at 6 million. Some sources point to 8 million.

The non-Muslim population is aging and declining. Its fertility rate is said to be close to 1.4 children for every woman, just like in most neighboring European countries (e.g., Germany: 1.3; Italy and Spain: 1.2).

The Muslim population, however, is young and rising: its average fertility rate is said to be of three or four children for every woman. When it comes to the youngest age bracket - residents under the age of 25 - the overall ratio of Muslims rises significantly (25% to 30%). Moreover, there is evidence that intermarriage is common between non-Muslims and Muslims, that most interfaith
families tend to associate with Islam rather than with Christianity, and that conversion to Islam in rising all over France, whereas the Christian faith and practice is plummeting. Islam may thus develop soon into a full-fledged French religion and culture, and even replace Christianity, at some point in the future, as the main religion of the land.

Quite naturally, this sudden demographic and religious change is bringing about a social and political change: French Muslims are poised to play a growing role in the coming elections (most are French citizens by now, especially the younger generation, since France bestows full citizenship on any child born on its soil) as well as in education, business, professions, the Civil Service, the police and the military forces.

The conservative minister of the interior, Nicolas Sarkozy, is in favor of affirmative action for Muslims. Perhaps as a first token of things to come, he put a Muslim prefet (governor), Aissa Dermouche, in charge of the departement (county) of Jura, in Eastern France.

Now, it is a sad fact that traditional Muslim culture, both at the popular and the scholarly level, is deeply contemptuous of Judaism and the Jews. And it is another sad fact that contemporary Muslim culture - either strictly religious or semi-secular - is permeated by a more extreme, more radical, anti-Semitic philosophy, according to which Jews are not just despicable but
intrinsically unreliable or evil and should be either marginalized or annihilated.

As far as Muslim immigrants in France are concerned, they come from countries where these negative views are nurtured by religious education, political discourse, the educational curriculum, and the press. Once in France, they keep in touch with their country's culture and biases in many ways, including Arab television networks. The same considerations apply, to a large extent, to the
French-born citizens of the Muslim faith, who are the sons, daughters, brothers, and sisters of the immigrants.

French Muslims thus live in a cultural enclave and are well equipped to dismiss those parts of the dominant French culture that do not fit their own culture. Admittedly, some parts of the immigrant community are less prejudiced.

As a rule, the more committed to Islam and Arab culture they are, the more anti-Semitic French Muslims tend to be. Conversely, the less committed they are, the more likely they are to reject anti-Semitism. This translates into ethnic lines.

French Muslims of Arab descent are usually religious Muslims and unreconstructed anti-Semites. French Muslims of Berber descent (especially the large Kabyle community, estimated at 1.5 million) are usually more secular and more prepared to reject radical anti-Semitism and engage into good relations with Jews. As for militant Berbers or Kabyles, they tend to be frankly friendly with Jews and to entertain positive views about Israel.

Old Anti-Semitism Reawakened

The growth of Islam and of Islamic anti-Semitism is only one side of the problem. The other side is that it is reawakening and reinforcing an autochthonous French anti-Semitic tradition. Anti-Semitism, both right wing and left wing (the 19th century socialist, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, advocated "either sending back the Jews to Asia or exterminating them") played a rather important role in French culture and politics from the Revolution through the Third Republic, and was turned, with comparatively little effort, into a state policy under the pro-German Vichy regime, from 1940 to 1944.

Even after it was suppressed as thoroughly politically incorrect in the post-Holocaust era, it has retained tacit or not so tacit acceptance in many quarters, including the political establishment. The man who headed the French Resistance against the Germans and Vichy, and then founded the Fifth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle, in 1967, shockingly described the Jewish people in a
public speech delivered in the wake of the Six Days War, as "an elite, self-conscious, and domination oriented nation" - an anti-Semitic cliche. One year later, he alluded to "noteworthy Israeli influences" in French public life.

The socialist president of France, from 1981 to 1995, Francois Mitterrand, was reported to have expressed similar views in private. He had been close to radical anti-Semitic circles as a young man and remained for all of his life a close (and devoted) friend of Pierre Bousquet, the head of the Vichy police during the war, and as such, one of the main organizers of the Holocaust in
France.

It comes, accordingly, as no surprise that the lesser ranks of French politics and public administration feel free to engage in radical anti-Semitic discourse or practice of one sort or the other. Vilification of Israel as an illegitimate "rogue state" or even as a "little s___ state" is not infrequent among senior civil servants, especially at France's foreign office, the Quai d'Orsay.

Anti-Semitism has also extended, time and again, to mainstream politics, either in a thinly veiled form as "anti-Zionism" (a term favored by the left) or as "anti-lobbyism"(a euphemism in use at one well-known far right organization, Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front).

Quite obviously, the present anti-Semitic crisis in France should be addressed by the citizens of France first, either Jewish or not. Quite naturally, it should elicit appropriate concern from Jewish communities in the rest of the world. However, the fact that an important, democratic nation in Western Europe can be so quickly and so thoroughly undermined by anti-Semitism should also be
matter of concern - and a warning - for all Western nations, including America.
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