Isranet Briefing
Volume VIII, No. 1,804

The al Qaida Franchise
David Harris
The power of 'soft' versus violent Islamism
Daniel Pipes

The al-Qaida franchise
David Harris
The Jerusalem Post, January 22, 2008

When in December 2007 an American citizen went on television to tear up his United States passport, one was reminded of the anti-war movement of the 1960s and '70s. However, in the days of flower power the protesters were fiercely American, but the man in the modern version belongs to a movement calling for America's destruction.

Born Adam Pearlman, these days Adam Yahya Gadahn wears a keffiyeh and a substantial beard. He is known as al-Qaida's American spokesman, or Azzam the American. In a 50-minute address he appeals to the anti-war lobby of today to convert to Islam. That is all it will take for these Americans to no longer be considered the enemy. Just by saying the conversion verse (La ilah illa Allah, Muhammad rasoolu Allah. I testify that there is no true god deity but God, and Muhammad is the Messenger of God) you will be absolved of all previous sins, he tells his audience.

Just that, and you will no longer be the target.

Westerners have that choice, but life-long Muslims seemingly do not. Most of the deaths at the hands of Sunni terrorists take place right here in the Middle East. And most of the victims are Muslims.

But are these the work of al-Qaida? Did Osama Bin Laden or one of his generals give the specific order to attack the prime-ministerial compound in Algiers or a group of tourists visiting the ancient synagogue on Djerba, Tunisia, or the shootings of French and Belgian nationals in Saudi Arabia and Yemen?

At the end of 2007 a group claiming to be a part of al-Qaida said the organization carried out a deadly attack in the West African country. But did al-Qaida really push the button?

Welcome to the al-Qaida franchise.

The term has been used for a while in counter-terror circles and is beginning to enter the Bush administration lexicon. It is part of a wider recognition that the al-Qaida label has become much bigger than Bin-Laden and even al-Qaida itself.

It may sound like an odd comparison but al-Qaida has become the McDonald's of the terror world. The modus operandi is pretty much the same around the world, but the management is different from country to country.

What terror experts are trying to ascertain is whether those individual managers are legitimate franchisees or simply stealing the al-Qaida brand name.

There does not seem to be a clear cut answer. Al-Qaida in Iraq and Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb appear to be franchise winners, receiving public approbation from al-Qaida HQ - somewhere in Afghanistan or Pakistan (we think).

However, bombings in the Sinai Peninsula, the operations of Fatah Al-Islam in Lebanon, the entry into Gaza of various radical Sunni groups, including the firing of the Grad rocket onto Ashkelon, and dozens of other incidents around the region are subject to much more debate.

Intelligence agencies have to painstakingly sort through bomb sites, destroyed buildings and cars, and even human remains, in order to determine what types of explosives were used, where they were made and if identical substances were brought into play elsewhere.

The Internet of course is another tool used by terrorists and would-be copycats. There are thousands of Web sites, email rings and chat rooms devoted to passing on information. Some are simply propaganda tools - where gruesome videos are distributed - but others not only teach bomb-making skills, they also enable indirect contact (through at least one intermediary) with the master terrorists.

International intelligence agencies follow these same paths - both by monitoring Internet traffic but also by role-playing infiltrations - with the hope of preventing attacks and locating perpetrators.

On occasion these hunts do lead to the lairs of al-Qaida, but not always, by any means.

The work of counter terrorists in detecting their nemeses is more often than not in vain. The franchisees, the copycats and al-Qaida HQ have all become adept at covering their tracks and evading detection. When they suspect the enemy is close by they shut down existing channels of communication and open new ones.

And all the while the attacks continue.

Whether the terrorists out there are members of al-Qaida or not, they have adopted the mantras and tactics of Bin-Laden. So far they appear to be winning, particularly in the Muslim world. And while the United States says, sometimes almost boastfully, it has not been attacked on home soil since 2001, if the threats from Bin-Laden and 'Azzam the American are to be believed, it is only a matter of time before al-Qaida or one of its franchisees launches a major attack in America.

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The power of 'soft' versus violent Islamism
Daniel Pipes
The Jerusalem Post, February 27, 2008

This month, Denmark's police foiled a terrorist plot to murder Kurt Westergaard, the artist who drew the strongest of the 12 Muhammad images, prompting most of the country's newspapers to reprint his cartoon as an act of solidarity and a signal to Islamists that their threats and violence will not succeed.

This incident points to the Islamists' mixed success in curbing Western freedom of speech about Muhammad - think of Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses or the Deutsche Oper's production of Mozart's Idomeneo. If threats of violence sometimes do work, they as often provoke, anger, and inspire resistance. A polite demarche can achieve more. Illustrating this, note two parallel efforts, dating from 1955 and 1997, to remove nearly-identical American courthouse sculptures of Muhammad.

In 1997, the Council on American-Islamic Relations demanded that part of a 1930s frieze in the main chamber of the US Supreme Court building in Washington, D.C. be sandblasted into oblivion, on the grounds that Islam prohibits representations of its prophet. The seven-foot high marble relief by Adolph Weinman depicts Muhammad as one of 18 historic lawgivers. His left hand holds the Koran in book form (a jarring historical inaccuracy from the Muslim point of view) and his right holds a sword.

Chief Justice William Rehnquist, however, rejected CAIR's pressure campaign, finding that the depiction "was intended only to recognize [Muhammad] … as an important figure in the history of law; it is not intended as a form of idol worship." Rehnquist only conceded that court literature should mention that the representation offends Muslim sensibilities. His decision met with riots and injuries in India.

In contrast, back in 1955, a campaign to censor a representation of Muhammad in another American court building did succeed. That would be the New York City-based courthouse of the Appellate Division, First Department of the New York State Supreme Court. Built in 1902, it featured on its roof balustrade an eight-foot marble statue of "Mohammed" by Charles Albert Lopez as one of 10 historic lawgivers. This Muhammad statue also held a Koran in his left hand and a scimitar in the right.

Though visible from the street, the identities of the lawgivers high atop the building were difficult to discern. Only with a general overhaul of the building in February 1953, including its statues, did the public become aware of their identities. The Egyptian, Indonesian, and Pakistani ambassadors to the United Nations responded by asking the US Department of State to use its influence to have the Muhammad statue not renovated but removed.

Characteristically, the State Department dispatched two employees to convince New York City's public works commissioner, Frederick H. Zurmuhlen, to accommodate the ambassadors. The court, Chief Clerk George T. Campbell, reported, "also got a number of letters from Mohammedans about that time, all asking the court to get rid of the statue." All seven appellate justices recommended to Zurmuhlen that he take down the statue.

Even though, as Time magazine put it, "the danger that any large number of New Yorkers would take to worshiping the statue was, admittedly, minimal," the ambassadors got their way. Zurmuhlen had the offending statue carted off to a storehouse in Newark, New Jersey. As Zurmuhlen figured out what to do with it, the Times reported in 1955, the statue "has lain on its back in a crate for several months." Its ultimate disposition is unknown.

Then, rather than replace the empty pedestal on the court building roof, Zurmuhlen had the nine remaining statues shifted around to disguise the empty space, with Zoroaster replacing Muhammad at the westerly corner spot. Over a half-century later, that is where matters remain.

Recalling these events of 1955 suggests several points. First, pressure by Muslims on the West to conform to Islamic customs predates the current Islamist era. Second, even when minimal numbers of Muslims lived in the West, such pressures could succeed. Finally, contrasting the parallel 1955 and 1997 episodes suggests that the earlier approach of ambassadors making polite representations - not high-handed demands backed up by angry mobs, much less terrorist plots - can be the more effective route.

This conclusion confirms my general argument - and the premise of the Islamist Watch project - that Islamists working quietly within the system achieve more than those relying on ferocity and bellicosity. Ultimately, soft Islamism presents dangers at least as great as does violent Islamism.

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