Egypt Caught Between the Hammer and the Anvil: Yoram Meital, Jerusalem Post, May 1, 2016— On the 37th anniversary of the Israeli- Egyptian peace deal, security cooperation between the two countries is at an all-time high.
Has Egyptian President Abd el Fattah el Sisi Lost his Charm?: Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah, JCPA, Apr 21, 2016— Things are getting tough in Egypt for Abdel Fattah el Sisi who is suffering from a steep fall in popularity and open criticism in recent months.
Sailing Through the Straits: The Meaning for Israel of Restored Saudi Sovereignty over Tiran and Sanafir Islands.: Rex Murphy, National Post, May 1, 2016— For Israelis above a certain age, mentioning the name of Tiran and Sanafir islands is enough to send a thrill – or a chill – down their spines…
Community Loses a Leader as Rabbi Ron Aigen Passes Away: The Suburban, May 9, 2016— Earlier this week I received an email from the Dorshei Emet Congregation in Hampstead.
Joyce Deitcher: Montreal Gazette, May 7, 2016— Passed gracefully from this earth at home surrounded by her loving family on Friday, May 6, 2016 at the age of 90.
Why Washington is Placing its Bets on Egypt’s Dictator: Eli Lake and Josh Rogin, New York Post, May 7, 2016
ISIS Kills 8 Egyptian Police Outside Cairo: Ynet, May 8, 2016
An Unlikely Trio: Israel, Hamas and Egypt Align Against ISIS in Sinai: Rosie Perper, Jerusalem Post, May 1, 2016
Israel, Egypt Fight US Plan to Trim Troops in Sinai Multinational Force: Hana Levi Julian, Jewish Press, May 4, 2016
EGYPT CAUGHT BETWEEN THE HAMMER AND THE ANVIL
Yoram Meital
Jerusalem Post, May 1, 2016
On the 37th anniversary of the Israeli- Egyptian peace deal, security cooperation between the two countries is at an all-time high. The two governments share an inimical view of Hamas rule in Gaza and both operate in various ways against Islamic State (ISIS) forces in Sinai. Nevertheless, opposition in Egypt to normalizing relations with Israel remains widespread.
Five years ago the current level of security cooperation would have seemed highly unlikely. The overthrow of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 and the subsequent coming to power of the Muslim Brotherhood under Mohammed Morsi was seen in Israel as an extremely negative development. So much so that it necessitated a significant change in Israel’s national security estimates and alignment.
True, Morsi’s Egypt continued to honor its commitments under the peace treaty. But Israeli decision makers were gravely concerned at the burgeoning cooperation between Cairo and Hamas, and the increase in hostilities along the border with Sinai. Morsi’s overthrow in July 2013 and the return to power of the generals under Abdel Fattah al-Sisi was enthusiastically welcomed.
The drastic change this brought about in Egypt’s attitude to Hamas (which the generals saw as a militant branch of the Muslim Brotherhood they had just ousted) and the uncompromising campaign it initiated against militant groups in Sinai were grist to the Israeli government’s mill. Israel quickly agreed to a significant increase in Egyptian forces in Sinai in areas which, according to the peace treaty, were supposed to be demilitarized.
The honeymoon that characterizes the security and intelligence relations between Israel and Egypt is a direct result of the Sisi administration’s perception of real and imagined threats on the Sinai front and in the Gaza Strip. Nevertheless, the assumption that relations between the two countries are about to be upgraded in other spheres is no more than wishful thinking.
In Egyptian public discourse, Israel continues to be depicted as a hostile force and its policies are invariably presented in a negative light. A case in point highlighting the depth of opposition to normalization with Israel was the recent expulsion from parliament of the outspoken member Tawfik Okasha. Okasha had dared to invite the Israeli ambassador to his home and discuss politics over dinner. True, Okasha is something of a sensationalist who delights in provocation. But the fact that his meeting with the ambassador prompted such a severe sanction reflects the intensity of public opposition to normalization.
The fighting in northern Sinai against ISIS affiliates is high on the Sisi government’s list of priorities. Hundreds of miles of desert separate Sinai from Egypt’s Nile valley heartland. But the working assumption of the decision makers in Cairo is that the ISIS presence in Sinai undermines their efforts to restore internal security and rehabilitate the economy.
The same is true of Egypt’s attitude to Hamas in Gaza. From day one, the Sisi administration saw Hamas as an adjunct of its arch-enemy, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, which it had declared a terrorist organization and which it blamed for dozens of terror attacks. In early March, Egyptian authorities accused Hamas of aiding and abetting members of the Brotherhood in the assassination last June of Chief Prosecutor Hisham Barakat. This grave charge was not retracted even after Hamas leaders condemned the killing and insisted that their movement does not interfere in Egypt’s internal affairs. On the contrary, the Egyptian media are awash with leaks from security forces accusing Hamas of aiding Jihadist groups in Sinai in attacks that have taken the lives of hundreds of soldiers and border police.
The Sisi administration’s iron fist policy toward Hamas is evident on the ground. The Rafah crossing point to Egypt, the only exit from Gaza that does not border on Israel, has been closed for most of the past two and half years. The Egyptian army has destroyed dozens of smuggling tunnels on Gaza’s western border with Sinai, evacuated thousands of Egyptian citizens from the border area, declared it a closed military zone and imposed severe travel restrictions throughout northern Sinai.
The far-reaching change in Egyptian policy came to the fore during Operation Protective Edge, the violent 49-day confrontation between Israel and Hamas in the summer of 2014. For the first time, Cairo blamed Hamas, and not solely Israel, for an armed clash between them. Moreover, in contacts over ending the fighting, Egypt rejected key Hamas demands, including the lifting of the tight closure it and Israel had imposed on the Gaza Strip. Its position on reconstruction of Gazan infrastructure and buildings destroyed in the fighting and the supervision of renewed inflow of construction materials and goods was closer to Israel’s than to that of Hamas.
The Sisi government did not deviate from its hardline on Hamas even when international and Israeli organizations warned that Gaza with its 1.8 million inhabitants was on the verge of a serious humanitarian crisis. In this context, various Israeli politicians proposed constructing a seaport in Gaza. The Israeli military was apparently ready to go along with the idea despite the obvious security challenge it would pose. But the Sisi administration was quick to pour cold water on the proposal, effectively preventing a study of its feasibility.
Recently, however, the Sisi government’s attitude to Hamas has been modified somewhat in light of Egypt’s close ties with Saudi Arabia and its Gulf State allies. Serious interests are in the balance. These major oil exporters granted Sisi’s Egypt financial aid estimated at around $30 billion, saving it from certain bankruptcy. While Riyadh and Cairo see eye to eye on Iran as a serious threat and share the same criticism of the Obama administration’s hesitant Middle East policy, they are divided on the future of the Assad regime in Syria and on Hamas, which Saudi Arabia wants to include in the regional camp it leads.
Over the past few months there has been a significant reduction in Arab aid to Egypt. This might go some way toward explaining the mid-March visit to Cairo by a high level Hamas delegation. However, from the talks it seems the inherent mistrust of Hamas has not abated and, besides a string of very general understandings, the delegation returned to Gaza empty-handed. For now, Egyptian policy makes it very tough for Hamas to function as a ruling establishment and hinders its preparations for renewal of the armed confrontation against Israel…
[To Read the Full Article Click the Following Link—Ed.]
HAS EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT ABD EL FATTAH EL SISI LOST HIS CHARM?
Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah
JCPA, Apr. 21, 2016
Things are getting tough in Egypt for Abdel Fattah el Sisi who is suffering from a steep fall in popularity and open criticism in recent months. The latest events to spark the unparalleled attacks against Sisi’s tenure are the agreement to cede the two islands of Tiran and Sanafir, commanding the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba, to Saudi Arabia and the questions arising from Egypt’s behavior in the case of the death of the Italian student Giulio Regeni, a PhD student at Girton College, Cambridge, who was researching Egypt’s independent trade unions. Abducted in Cairo, Regeni was found a few days later in a ditch with marks of severe torture on his body, allegedly the work of the Egyptian secret service.
Most of the Egyptian press and opinion makers did not comment on the Regeni case but limited themselves to reporting factually the deteriorating relations with Italy. The Italian government recalled its ambassador for consultations following the stuttering explanations given by the Egyptian government relating to the case. But the transference of sovereignty of the two islands to Saudi Arabia has been the issue met with open anger and protests.
Since the beginning of the 20th century, Egypt and Saudi Arabia have disputed the sovereignty over the two islands of Tiran and Sanafir commanding the maritime traffic to Israel, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. Whether Tiran and Sanafir islands belong historically to Saudi Arabia or to Egypt is not the purpose of this paper. However, in a well-documented presentation, the Egyptian government said the case was a restoration of usurped sovereignty to Saudi Arabia, and in Sisi’s words, “We have returned to Saudi Arabia its rights.”
It is an accepted historical fact that in 1950 “under the prevailing circumstances of hostilities facing Israel, Egypt had invaded with Saudi benediction” (as stated by the official Egyptian version) and taken full control of the Tiran and Sanafir islands to use them as military outposts. The strategic position of the islands was twice put into practice when President Nasser of Egypt ordered in 1956 and then again in 1967 a maritime blockade denying Israeli ships, as well as all ships bound to and from Israel, to pass through the Straits of Tiran. It appears now, according to information released by the Egyptian government following the announcement made by Egypt and Saudi Arabia, that the islands were part and parcel of the Wahhabi Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Negotiations had been conducted in 11 rounds of meetings between the disputing sides during the presidential tenures of Hosni Mubarak, Muhammed Morsi, and finally Sisi in order to reach the decision to return the two islands to Saudi Arabia.
The official explanations did not appease public opinion in Egypt. Short of accusing Sisi of betrayal, his critics reproached him for in effect selling the islands to Saudi Arabia in return for lavish economic assistance. Ahmad Sayyed AlNajjar, chairman of the prestigious state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper wrote, “The homeland is not a room for rent or a travelling station…”
AlNajjar added on Facebook, “Umm Rashrash (the Arab name for Eilat) remains a stolen jewel, and I am deeply convinced that we will get it back one day. From all our border areas, Sanafir and Tiran appear as a jewel Egypt defended with outstanding courage and shed blood and souls in order to keep the straits that command the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba in dire times of destiny. I say goodbye to our untouchable national borders because they are the blood and flesh of Egypt and the map of the heroic deeds of its people and the frontiers of its existence forever.”
Egyptians charged their once-popular president, Sisi, of surrendering the islands to win the Saudis’ favor. One cartoon showed the Sphinx wearing a Saudi kaffiya; On Twitter, a popular hashtag was “I feel like selling what to Saudi Arabia?” A media prominent person, Jaber AlQarmouty, stated that Sisi lost popularity because of his decision to hand over the two islands to Saudi Arabia and added, in a very unusual statement addressed to Sisi, “If the matter continues in this pattern, it is not going to be in your interest…” Turning to the issue of Regeni and the disastrous state of tourism following the ISIS terrorist bombing of a Russian civilian aircraft over Sinai, AlQarmouty referred to the Egyptian government’s bumbling press statements, “I doubt you agree with the Regeni and the Russian airplane files!”…
Politicians were quick to react and to accuse Sisi of a loss of legitimacy and that the act may even contradict the newly voted constitution. Others argued that the issue was “too important not be presented in a referendum according to article 151 of the constitution.” Amro AlShubaki, a political commentator, added that the executive branch should not be given “an open check… while deputies in parliament should fulfill their role in controlling the actions of government and its legislation in introducing a motion of non-confidence in the government because of misbehavior.”
No doubt that Sisi’s decision to cede the islands to Saudi Arabia became in the hands of the opposition a hatchet to throw against him in order to expose his shortcomings since the beginning of his tenure as president. His bitter opponent living in exile in the Emirates, General Ahmad Shafik, once a presidential candidate, published a pamphlet in which he pointed at Sisi’s failures in running Egypt’s foreign policy. Shafik pointed at Egypt’s failure to stop Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam on the Nile and the deterioration of Egypt’s relations with “the Italian people.” Shafik asked what caused such a situation and wondered whether the shortcomings were the result of slow governmental decision-making or the result of Sisi’s own decision-making. Mocking Sisi’s arguments against his predecessor Morsi, Shafik asked to “go back to the people before making any decisions.”
In the end, Shafik published a correction to his statement – most probably under Saudi pressure — justifying the Egyptian decision to cede the islands to Saudi Arabia. Facing the growing anger against his policy, President Sisi, unlike in the past, chose to confront his detractors in an open speech in which he defended his policies and pointed at his opposition as being part of those who want to harm Egypt: the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists. Sisi concluded that the Egyptian army was the sole defender of Egypt while he had no political inclinations at all. Furthermore, Sisi declared that in any case the parliament will have to debate the issue; it is up to this institution to accept or to reject the agreement with Saudi Arabia…
[To Read the Full Article Click the Following Link—Ed.]
THE MEANING FOR ISRAEL OF RESTORED SAUDI SOVEREIGNTY OVER TIRAN AND SANAFIR ISLANDS
Col. (res.) Dr. Eran Lerman & Prof. Joshua Teitelbaum
BESA, Apr. 17, 2016
For Israelis above a certain age, mentioning the name of Tiran and Sanafir islands is enough to send a thrill – or a chill – down their spines, bringing to mind the proud refrain of a popular song, written in the tense days just before the Six Day War: “We shall make our way/ at nighttime or day/ with our flag, blue and white/ through the Tiran Straits.”
Indeed, the Straits were the casus belli back in 1967, when Gamal Abd al-Nasser cast all caution (and international norms) to the wind and closed them to Israeli shipping. Eilat is a strategic asset and the terminus of Israel's trade with much of Asia and Africa. Even the secretive Protocol of Sèvres signed by Britain, France and Israel in October 1956 had included an explicit reference to Israel's needs concerning the two islands. Israel captured the islands in the Six Day War, but the 1979 Peace Treaty between Israel and Egypt enshrined Egypt’s commitment to international norms regarding the freedom of navigation and the islands were returned. One of the region’s neuralgic points was thus removed for many years from the headlines and from the field of conflict.
Will it now re-emerge again as a source of tension? The answer, at least for the foreseeable future, can be deduced from the circumstances of the dramatic announcement this week. It came as the culminating achievement of Saudi King Salman’s historic visit to Cairo, which cemented the vital relationship between these two pillars of regional stability and saw the promulgation of a long list of bilateral agreements on economic and strategic cooperation. Having played a major role in sustaining the present Egyptian regime against political and economic challenges, the Saudis were now in a position to finalize the restoration of their sovereignty over the islands, control of which they have ceded to Egypt back in 1949 in the context of the latter’s better ability to utilize them in the struggle with Israel – which has by now become irrelevant. Their legal case was apparently unassailable, and it was thus more a matter of when rather than whether they will actually assert their claim.
This came as no surprise to Israel. Back in July 2015, the “Cairo Declaration” issued during the visit of Salman’s activist son, Muhammad – serving as Saudi Arabia's Defense Minister – included an explicit reference to the need to settle certain questions of maritime demarcation between the two countries – which could only mean the two islands. Egypt took care to explain its decision to Israel and to allay any fears that this may have any effect on the freedom of navigation. The Saudis did so as well, according to Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon, albeit in their own way, while asserting that no direct coordination with Israel can be expected (nor is it necessary).
Israel’s freedom of navigation in the Straits was guaranteed in the deal, said Ayalon. And indeed, the restoration of sovereignty serves to bolster the Saudi commitment to Egyptian stability – which goes a long way towards explaining the rage expressed by the Muslim Brotherhood at this breach of Egypt's “national rights.” With the need to confront Iran high above all other considerations in the Saudi and Egyptian national security playbook – and in Israel’s – any major step that helps bring together the “camp of stability” in the region under joint Egyptian-Saudi leadership will also serve Israel’s interests. Moreover, despite the disavowal of any direct contacts over this issue – and other important issues – over the years, the very fact that Saudi Arabia now undertakes to uphold in practice the obligations assumed by Egypt under the peace treaty means that Israel's place in the region is no longer perceived by Arab leader Saudi Arabia as an anomaly to be corrected. This is a far cry from “normalization” (tatbi`) – which remains a dirty word in the Arab dictionary. But it is nevertheless a welcome ray of light, demonstrating the benefits of cooperation and coordination in a region beset by so much violence.
COMMUNITY LOSES A LEADER AS RABBI RON AIGEN PASSES AWAY
The Suburban, May 9, 2016
Earlier this week I received an email from the Dorshei Emet Congregation in Hampstead. Rabbi Ron Aigen was retiring after 40 years of service and a celebration was planned for him on June 2, followed by a potluck Shabbat supper two days later. “Could I include this in my column?” I was asked. I planned to include an item this week and call the Rabbi to do a little retrospective on his career. Then today, while doing my groceries, a friend ahead of mine in line asked, “Did you hear about Rabbi Aigen?” I responded, “Of course, he is retiring and they plan to honour him.” Well that is not what she heard. “He died very suddenly last night!” I was told.
Eight months after the community lost Rabbi Sidney Shoham, we now mourn Rabbi Aigen. In the invitation to the dinner in his honour is a photo of a very young Rabbi Ron, with the words “our new hire.” Next to it is a most recent picture, with the caption, “our senior scholar.”…
Funeral services will take place on Tuesday, May 10 at 10 a.m. at Congregation Dorshei Emet, 18 Cleve Road. Burial will be at the Congregation Dorshei Emet Reconstructionist Section, Eternal Gardens Cemetery in Beaconsfield. A reception for the whole community will be held at the synagogue immediately following burial. Shiva will take place at the synagogue on Tuesday and Wednesday, including Minhah Ma'ariv services, and will continue at the Rabbi and Carmela's home in NDG until next Monday…Our sympathies go out to the entire family and congregation. Rest in Peace Rabbi Ron.
[To Read the Full Article Click the Following Link—Ed.]
Montreal Gazette, May 7, 2016
Joyce Deitcher passed gracefully from this earth at home surrounded by her loving family on Friday, May 6, 2016 at the age of 90. Daughter of the late Ezra and the late Hazel Lozinski, she will be mourned and deeply missed by her husband of 70 years, Myer, her devoted children, Jordan and the late Enid, Rosalind and Avraham Leneman, and Don; her loving grandchildren, Yonatan, Shelli and Liran, and Aden; and her great-grandchildren, Boaz and Doron. She will be lovingly remembered by her extended family and friends. Many thanks to Mona for her wonderful care. The family would also like to thank all the good people she was fortunate to know who made her life so meaningful.
Why Washington is Placing its Bets on Egypt’s Dictator: Eli Lake and Josh Rogin, New York Post, May 7, 2016—Abdel Fattah el-Sissi has been trampling human rights, the rule of law and freedom of the press since he became Egypt’s president two years ago. For almost as long, the international community has called on him to stop. But his critics in Washington recently changed their tune.
ISIS Kills 8 Egyptian Police Outside Cairo: Ynet, May 8, 2016—Militants opened fire on a microbus filled with plainclothes police in a Cairo suburb early Sunday, killing eight of them, including an officer, in an attack claimed by a local ISIS affiliate.
An Unlikely Trio: Israel, Hamas and Egypt Align Against ISIS in Sinai: Rosie Perper, Jerusalem Post, May 1, 2016—Israel, Hamas, and Egypt have aligned their strategies and formed an unlikely alliance against the Islamic State in Sinai, who are planning increasingly sophisticated and daring attacks in the region, The Washington Post reported on Sunday.
Israel, Egypt Fight US Plan to Trim Troops in Sinai Multinational Force: Hana Levi Julian, Jewish Press, May 4, 2016— Israel and Egypt have united to protest a decision by the United States to reduce its contingent in the Sinai Peninsula multinational force by a third. It’s unclear whether opposition by the two allies will move anyone in the White House, however.
